Few bilateral partnerships in modern history have retained the depth, steadiness, and continuity that characterise ties between India and Russia. Over seven decades of cooperation, the relationship has evolved from Cold War–era strategic alignment into a multi-dimensional partnership covering defence, energy, trade, science, education, and cultural exchange. The term “special and privileged strategic partnership,” officially adopted in 2010, was not a diplomatic courtesy but a reflection of long-standing trust. In the present context, where global alignments are being tested by conflict, trade disputes, and energy crises, the India-Russia relationship has once again become central to understanding the balance of power in Eurasia and South Asia.
When Prime Minister Narendra Modi met President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Tianjin in 2025, the symbolism went beyond customary diplomacy. The meeting came at a time when the United States had imposed steep tariffs on Indian imports in retaliation for New Delhi’s purchase of Russian oil. For Washington, India’s continued reliance on Russian energy supplies was seen as indirectly funding Moscow’s war in Ukraine. For India, however, Russian oil had become essential to meet the needs of a population of 1.4 billion and a rapidly expanding economy. The sharp trade measures by the US not only highlighted friction in the India-US partnership but also underscored the resilience of India-Russia ties. Modi’s warm gestures towards Putin, the candid references to trust and friendship, and the assurance of continued cooperation revealed that despite changing equations in world politics, the Moscow-New Delhi connection retains both depth and weight.
Russia has historically been India’s most dependable partner in defence. From the 1960s onwards, when the Soviet Union provided India with MiG fighter jets, submarines, and tanks, Moscow established itself as New Delhi’s largest supplier of military hardware. Unlike Western powers, which were often constrained by sanctions or shifting geopolitical interests, Russia consistently supported India’s defence modernisation. This cooperation later evolved from a simple buyer-seller arrangement into joint development projects, such as the BrahMos missile system and the licensed production of Sukhoi aircraft. Exercises like INDRA, the joint naval drill conducted in 2025, illustrate that the military dimension remains strong, with both navies cooperating in the Bay of Bengal and beyond.
The energy sector is another area where cooperation has grown. India’s decision to import discounted Russian crude oil, even in the face of Western sanctions, was both pragmatic and strategic. In recent years, Russia has become the single largest supplier of oil to India, accounting for nearly 37 per cent of its imports. Beyond crude, the two countries cooperate in nuclear power, most prominently at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu, where Russia has provided reactors and expertise. Moscow’s pivot to Asia after facing economic isolation from the West has only increased its interest in strengthening these ties. For India, securing long-term energy partnerships is vital for sustaining growth, and Russia offers not just oil but also opportunities in natural gas and nuclear collaboration.
Trade between the two nations has surged to record highs. Bilateral commerce reached nearly 69 billion dollars in the financial year 2024–25, with imports from Russia dominated by hydrocarbons, fertilisers, coal, and precious stones. India’s exports, by contrast, remain modest at about 5 billion dollars, consisting mainly of pharmaceuticals, chemicals, steel, and marine products. This imbalance has been noted by policymakers, who aim to expand Indian exports and diversify trade. Both leaders have set ambitious targets: 50 billion dollars in bilateral investment by 2025 and 100 billion dollars in trade by 2030. Achieving these goals will require not only state-level engagement but also stronger private sector collaboration, connectivity projects such as the International North-South Transport Corridor, and deeper cooperation with Russia’s Far East.
The political relationship is anchored by annual summits, a tradition maintained for more than two decades. Since the signing of the 2000 Declaration on Strategic Partnership, successive leaders have built on this framework. Modi has travelled to Russia multiple times in recent years, including to Moscow and Kazan, where discussions spanned energy, defence, and multilateral cooperation. Regular telephone conversations between Modi and Putin, as well as ministerial exchanges, have kept the dialogue steady. The introduction of a 2+2 format in 2021, bringing together foreign and defence ministers from both sides, expanded institutionalised communication. Despite the upheavals caused by global crises, this mechanism ensures continuity.
Education and cultural ties provide a softer but equally durable foundation. Thousands of Indian students continue to pursue higher studies in Russia, particularly in medicine and engineering. Russian institutions maintain Indology programmes, while Indian cultural centres in Moscow promote language, cinema, and yoga. The popularity of Indian films in Russia is not a passing trend but part of a historical connection that goes back to the Soviet era, when Bollywood had mass audiences across Soviet republics. Yoga festivals, cultural exchanges, and academic collaborations keep people-to-people links alive, sustaining goodwill beyond the political and economic elite.
Science and technology are emerging as another shared priority. Russia has supported India’s space programme, while Indian scientists collaborate with Russian counterparts on nanotechnology, materials science, and nuclear research. The Kudankulam plant is perhaps the most visible joint achievement, but cooperation extends to basic sciences and innovation partnerships. The roadmap for science and innovation adopted in 2021 aims to foster projects that address societal needs, not just military or industrial goals.
The relationship has also been tested. India’s increasing engagement with the United States, especially in the defence and technology sectors, has sometimes raised questions in Moscow about New Delhi’s long-term priorities. Conversely, Russia’s growing closeness to China, particularly after the Ukraine war, has created discomfort in New Delhi. Yet both sides have managed these tensions through pragmatic diplomacy. India stresses its strategic autonomy, making clear that cooperation with the US does not come at the expense of historic ties with Russia. Similarly, Russia acknowledges India’s central role in Asia and avoids equating its ties with China to those with India. This balancing act reflects not only statecraft but also the recognition that their partnership remains mutually beneficial.
Multilateral platforms add another layer. India and Russia coordinate regularly at the United Nations, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and BRICS. Moscow has long supported India’s bid for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council. In forums like the G20, BRICS, and SCO, both countries seek to promote multipolarity in global affairs, opposing unilateral trade or security policies. This is also why recent US tariff actions have strengthened India’s inclination to work more with Russia and China, even as it keeps channels open with Washington.
The economic impact of the US tariffs in 2025 was severe, with duties on Indian imports raised to 50 per cent. The White House argued that India’s discounted oil purchases were propping up Russian revenues. For New Delhi, however, this was a question of national energy security. Analysts noted that Washington’s measures risked pushing India further into Moscow’s and Beijing’s orbit, an unintended consequence of unilateral action. Modi’s comments at the SCO summit, calling for peace in Ukraine while also affirming trust with Russia, reflected India’s delicate balancing of principle and interest.
Defence cooperation also extends beyond equipment sales. Joint exercises, officer training, and technology transfer sustain military-to-military trust. The commissioning of INS Tushil in 2024, built with Russian support, and the continued collaboration on air defence systems are examples. While India has diversified its defence imports, buying from the US, France, and Israel, it has not abandoned Russian suppliers. Instead, it is seeking to combine traditional reliance on Moscow with new partnerships, ensuring both continuity and modernisation.
Cultural diplomacy remains strong. Russian leaders often recall the resonance of Indian literature, films, and philosophy in their society. The popularity of yoga across Russia is another reminder of how cultural connections often outlast political fluctuations. These soft-power ties are not ornamental; they create constituencies of goodwill that sustain trust during difficult times.
Looking ahead, India and Russia face challenges in keeping the partnership balanced. The trade imbalance must be addressed, and India will push to expand exports beyond pharmaceuticals and chemicals. Both sides will need to cooperate on connectivity corridors to reduce dependence on Western-dominated routes. Defence cooperation will have to adapt to India’s push for greater self-reliance in manufacturing under the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative. Moscow, facing its own economic constraints, will seek Indian investment and technology collaboration.
Despite these challenges, the resilience of the partnership stands out. From the Cold War to the present, India and Russia have maintained dialogue even during moments of strain. Their ability to manage differences while advancing cooperation in multiple sectors demonstrates the maturity of the relationship. As India continues to pursue multi-alignment in global affairs, its old and trusted ties with Russia remain a cornerstone of its foreign policy.
